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When Vagina Practices Threaten Health and Gender Equity:
Evidence from the 2005-2007 Yogyakarta Vagina Practices Study
Iwu Dwisetyani Utomo, National Centre for Epidemiology and Population Health, Australian National
Terence H. Hull, Demography, Australian National University2
Ninuk Widyantoro, Indonesian Women’s Health Foundation
Herna Lestari and Laily Hanifah, Mitra Inti Foundation
Basilica Dyah Putranti, Centre for Population and Policy Studies, Gadjah Mada University
Vaginal practices have been recorded in Indonesia for centuries and have become increasingly popular
in recent times. Jamu (traditional herbal mixture) industries have sprung up with products that claim to
enhance sexuality by “making the vagina tighter and drier”. These are multi-million dollar businesses.
Beauty salons and spas promise vaginal services to deodorize, tighten, dry or clean. They are
advertised in daily newspapers and mass circulation magazines. Large cities in Indonesia host private
medical clinics offering female genital cosmetic surgery and hymen restoration. Specific vaginal
products such as betel-leaf solutions, soaps and deodorants are available in shops, supermarkets and
drug stores. Nevertheless the apparent widespread popularity of vaginal practices in Indonesia is
largely unverified. Limited information is available regarding women’s actual behavior or the
motivations they might have for using the available products and services. There are also few studies
addressing possible health risks. As a result of this lack of scientific information on vaginal practices
the Indonesian government has not formulated policies to regulate the industries promoting such
practices, nor are there any public health messages to prevent women from engaging in practices that
could pose harm for themselves or their partners.
Keywords: vaginal practices, Indonesia, gender, heterosexual relationships.
Businesses that cater for vaginal “grooming” and other practices are found throughout Indonesia,
especially in large cities. Both traditional and modern treatments are available from healers, beauty
salons, spas, and even specialist medical clinics. This paper draws together information from a
combined qualitative and quantitative study carried out in Yogyakarta, Indonesia in 2005-2007. What
are the types of vaginal practices being carried out by women in Yogyakarta? Why have services
provided for female genital treatments and practices expanded relatively quickly in the past few years?
What form do these treatments and practices take? Are the practices safe? What gender dimensions
underlie these treatments and how does industry make use of social gender construction to gain
commercial advantage?
1 E-mail correspondence should be addressed to Iwu.Utomo@anu.edu.au
2 E-mail correspondence should be addressed to Terry.Hull@anu.edu.au
The term vaginal practices in this paper can be defined as any kind of treatment or practice applying to
the female genital area that may be carried out by the women herself or by others. In Java, vaginal
practices include action taken by women to make their vagina peret3(tight), drier, and firm. Treatments
include gurah vagina or vaginal cleansing; drinking jamu; inserting Tongkat Madura4 into the vagina,
V-spa (Vagina Spa) or Kendedes (steaming or smoking) and vaginal operations. The key term
surrounding these activities is jamu, a generic descriptor for herbal concoctions used for all types of
traditional medical and preventative efforts to optimize health. Modern Indonesians have confidence in
the efficacy and safety of jamu and people of all ages use the preparations regularly to deal with acute
and chronic illnesses, or simply as a way to ‘keep healthy.’ While all the preparations mentioned in
this paper are specifically used to treat the vagina, in daily life Indonesians use hundreds of different
forms of jamu.
This paper is largely based on an exploratory qualitative study to document all types of vaginal
practices that exist in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. Data collection was undertaken during August-
September 2005. The study is a part of a Multi Country Gender Sexuality and Vaginal Practices Study
(GSVP) in South Africa, Mozambique, Indonesia and Thailand supported by various agencies
including the WHO, Ford Foundation, Australian Research Council, and The Australian National
University. In Indonesia the collaboration was between Women’s Health Foundation (Jakarta), Mitra
Inti Foundation (Jakarta) and the Centre for Population and Policy Studies, Gadjah Mada University
(Yogyakarta) with the technical assistance of The Australian National University (Canberra). This
paper presents results from the qualitative phase of the study documenting the diversity of vaginal
practices that are found in Yogyakarta, but is also informed by the preliminary results of a
representative survey of over 900 women in the province of Yogyakarta carried out in late 2006.
The 2005 Yogyakarta Gender Sexuality and Vaginal Practices Study (2005 Y GSVP) collected
information using in-depth interviews (IDI), key informant interviews (KII) and focus group
discussions (FGD). The IDI covered 12 adults drawn purposively from people found to have some
knowledge of vaginal practices. Nearly all were Javanese, some worked as government employees
while others were in the private sector, or worked at home. In addition, 18 KII were selected for
particular expert knowledge about the nature and use of vaginal practices. These informants included a
jamu manufacturer and a jamu retailer, a spa owner, one religious leader, one academic, two women
activists, two bridal dressers (perias penganten), two gynaecologists, a general practitioner, one
midwife and one traditional birth attendant.
Focus group discussions were conducted with men (husbands) in both rural and urban areas. The
women’s FGDs contained a cross-section of participants including housewives, midwives and bridal
dresser and beauticians. The members of the five FGD were purposely chosen for their knowledge and
experience with vaginal practices.
3 The word peret literally means dry but can be understood to mean tight. Indonesians often use this word
to describe a vagina that does not have “excessive” vaginal discharge or moisture.
4 Tongkat Madura is a calcium carbonate rod about 15 cm in length and 2 cm wide. Women use Tongkat
Madura by inserting it into the vagina to absorb fluid or vaginal discharge. It can be rinsed and reused. An
advertisement for Tongkat Madura on the Internet states that it “is made from traditional herbs and is
especially formulated to deodorize, tighten and cleanse the vagina” even though there are no plant materials
used in the production, and the stone product is more likely to be abrasive than deodorizing
Observational notes were taken during observation of local fresh/wet markets to investigate various
herbal mixtures and vaginal washing solutions sold in jamu kiosks, cosmetic stores and jamu street
stalls. In Yogyakarta research was conducted in the large central Pasar Bringharjo. This is the
wholesale market for raw jamu ingredients. In Jakarta the same kind of observation was done at the
Majestik wet market located in the southern part of Jakarta. A special one and a half hour observation
was done in a famous family jamu shop established in the early nineteen sixties. Numerous
Supermarkets and drug stores were also visited in Yogyakarta and Jakarta.
Other field observations included visits to a herbal ‘garden’ in Yogyakarta and a famous traditional
cosmetic and herbal industry called Sari Ayu in Pulo Gadung, East of Jakarta. Team members also
observed various private medical clinics offering vaginal surgery both in Yogyakarta and Jakarta; and
beauty salons and beauty spas, and various distributors and agents promoting modern ‘vagina washing
From the outset of the project, Utomo scoured press files for articles on traditional medicines and
vaginal practices. Media clippings from a variety of newspapers and magazines included
advertisements for vaginal jamu products as well as places providing vaginal treatments. The
advertisements are usually placed in classified sections of the publications under health or traditional
remedies, alternative treatments, and are sometimes places along with paranormal services as well as
massage parlours and salons. Going through the advertisements broadened the researchers’
perspectives and indicated a strong demand for various vaginal jamu and treatments. This also applied
to the development and modernisation of various jamu industry establishments. Advertisements for
these products were followed up by phone call or a visit to the establishment to get more information.
Understanding the context of Vaginal Practices: Gendered pleasures
Virginia Braun’s (2001, 2004, 2005) extensive research on the Western socio-cultural construct of the
vagina argues that size matters. Women in the West desire vaginas that are tight (but not too tight) and
find a “loose” vagina undesirable. Braun shows how the concept of the vagina as a receptive part of
the female body has changed over the last century. She documented the rise of female genital cosmetic
surgery as a means to promote female sexual pleasure and self confidence. Besides Braun’s work,
extensive research has been conducted on techniques women use for treating and maintaining their
vaginas as sensual organs. In this context the vagina can be seen as the focus of the woman’s pleasure.
In contrast to Braun’s stress on female sexual pleasure in developed countries, in most developing
country settings women’s use of vaginal practices have the functional purpose of attracting men and
competing with other women. Generally studies conducted in Africa, where vaginal practices and
female genital mutilation (FGM) are commonplace find that women are not so much enjoying their
bodies as they are using their bodies for specific social or economic purposes. The African countries in
which such vaginal practices are common are Cameroon, Cote d’Ivoire, Kenya, Malawi, Mozambique,
Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, Zaire, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Similar practices and
motivations can also be found in America, specifically in Haiti and the Dominican Republic. In South-
East Asia vaginal practices to tighten the vagina are found in Cambodia, Indonesia (hull and Utomo,
2006; Agoes, 2002; Hudiono, 2002), Malaysia, Thailand (Im-em and Siriatmongkhon, 2002), and
Vietnam. In each of these settings the themes that have dominated the discussion of practices are those
of sexual performance and female subordination.
In Indonesia research related to vaginal practices arose out of studies of the changing context of family
planning in the 1970s and 1980s. Women using hormonal contraception complained about the impact
these methods had on their menstrual cycles and the condition of their vaginas during sexual
intercourse. It was in this context that researchers discovered that folk traditions passed on from older
generations were a major influence on women’s expectations. Notions first introduced during prenuptial
body and beauty treatments and during the marriage ceremonies of many cultural traditions
encouraged women to drink jamu as part of a comprehensive set of vaginal practices. These are
applied by women who believe that optimal sexual ‘service’ will prevent their husbands abandoning
them for other women. Women who are economically dependent on their husbands live in fear of loss
of economic security for themselves and their children. Excessive vaginal discharge can lead to
complaints by husbands that the vagina is too wet (becek) or loose. Women lose confidence about their
sexual attractiveness in such a situation. In this context the vagina can be seen as the focus of the
man’s pleasure, and vaginal practices directed to effects that maximize male pleasure.
Female Genital Practices: Dangerous for Women’s Health?
In Africa, practices to tighten and dry the vagina use a range of natural and artificial ingredients which
are suspected to harm health (Beksinska et al. 1999; Brown et al. 1992, 1993; Civic and Wilson 1996;
Dalabetta et al. 1995; Irwin et al. 1991, 1993; La Ruche et al. 1999; Mungui et al. 1997; Orubuloye et
al. 1995; Sandala et al. 1995; Smith et al. 2002; Van de Wijgert et al. 2000). Repercussions reported in
African studies are sometimes contradictory. A study conducted in Cote d’Ivoire reported that the use
of such materials might ‘dry’ the vagina and increase the chances of genital infections but nonetheless
the materials do not directly endanger the flora of the vagina (La Ruche et al. 1999). In Zaire the use
of leaves, rock powder, talcum powder, Vicks, and alum along with the insertion of fabrics into the
vagina can cause infections due to friction occurring in the vagina causing wounding of the vaginal
tissue (Brown et al. 1993, 1992). Other research undertaken in Zaire (Irwin et al. 1993, 1991) on the
use of talcum powder, ginger root extracts, leaves, cola nuts and gun powder concluded that such
materials cause irritation and conceal symptoms of STDs, which can lead to the spreading of HIV.
Dalabetta et al. (1995) found that in Malawi HIV positive women use such materials plus lemons,
sugar, and caustic pencils as a means to ‘cure’ HIV. The study also reported that such materials can
minimize the chance of being infected with STDs. In Zambia, Sandala et al. (1995) found that the use
of such materials can cause vaginal swelling and peeling, especially if leaves and fabrics are inserted
into the vagina. Another study in Zambia by Van de Wijgert et al. (2000) showed the use of such
materials can cause damage to the flora of the vagina, while Civic and Wilson (1996) and William
(1993) reported similar practices cause scratching and swelling of the vagina.
Even though their research did not detail the methods used, Foxman and colleagues (1998) stated that
the practice of ‘dry sex’ was common amongst African-American women. The study contended that
16 percent of African-Americans practice dry sex, compared to the 6 percent of Caucasian women.
The authors argued that because of this African-American women are more prone to STDs. A different
study in America concluded that more than one fifth of women aged 15-44 routinely practice douching,
either with commercial or home made products. Various studies have found that routine douching is
associated with vaginal irritations, vaginal infections, STDs and serious health problems related to
reproductive difficulties, pregnancy, passing infections in utero and problems related to delivery (The
National Women’s Information Centre 2002).
In Indonesia little research has been carried out on vaginal practices and vaginal grooming. A study of
pregnant women in Surabaya (Joesoef et al. 1996) was the first to clinically test the impact of vaginal
practices. It was found that pregnant women washed their vaginas with water only, or soap and water,
Betadine and betel leaf extract. From the research only a small number of women inserted Betadine or
betel leaf solution into their vaginas, whereas the others chose to wash only outside of their vaginas
using water only or soap and water. The research concluded that except for the use of water, the use of
products before intercourse can raise the risk of STD infection. The interpretation was that use of such
products during vaginal washing can facilitate the growth of pathogenic bacteria thus killing the
normal flora of the vagina.
From the studies mentioned above it can be concluded that these vaginal practices whether it be
douching or inserting artificial or natural ingredients into the vagina can endanger the health of women,
and increase the possibility of being infected with STDs, vaginal infections, and HIV/AIDS. However,
it is very unfortunate that no laboratory research has been conducted on the effects of vaginal practices
such as gurah vagina and Tongkat Madura in Indonesia, so that the health effects of these practices
cannot be definitely determined. Nevertheless, an assumption can be made from the results of medical
studies conducted in other countries regarding the dangers of vaginal practices which can especially
cause harm to a woman’s reproductive health system. Indonesian women should at least know of the
health risks associated with vaginal practices. Sadly the Indonesian government has not put any effort
into socializing the problems related to vaginal practices, merely ignoring practices which conduct
treatments for the intimate organ to loiter and develop in Indonesia. Attention must also be paid to the
fact that even though jamu-jamuan or traditional broths are sold complete with a license from the
Health Department, they still do not bear any sort of expiry date. It can be said that despite registration
numbers provided by the Department of Health on such products, the products have not been
medically tested in a laboratory. Registration simply means that the product names have been listed in
a register in the Department of Health.
Female Genital Practices: Dangerous for Men’s Health?
In Haiti and the Dominican Republic the materials used for vaginal practices include traditional herbs
and an array of natural products as well as common commercial products such as alum, boric acid, and
bactericides. According to Halperin, many women use these products for ‘dry sex.’ Their partners
have been found to suffer penile injuries, lacerations to the foreskin, and bleeding (Halperin 1999).
These products are very similar to the materials used in Africa and Southeast Asia, but no research has
been carried out in those regions to confirm the potential danger to men’s sexual health.
Qualitative Research Findings: identifying various vaginal practices in Indonesia
Washing the vagina using betel leaf extract solution (Larutan Sirih), specific vaginal soap and wet
vagina tissue
Varieties of products used to wash the vagina may include betel leaf solution available in different
aromas and manufactured by an array of different brands. These can be purchased in stores and
supermarkets. Vaginal soaps and wet tissues (similar to ‘wet wipes’) containing betel leaf extract are
also available. Women can also simply prepare betel leaf solution themselves by boiling the leaves in
water. Betel leaf is found through out Indonesia and it is very inexpensive. The betel leaf solutions,
vagina soaps and wet tissues are used by women whenever they wash (cebok) their genital area.
Vaginal solutions, soaps and wet tissues are used by both teenagers and married women because it is
believed to prevent excessive vaginal discharge and to make vaginas keset5 and peret. It is also hoped
that such treatment will prevent itchiness and give the vagina a pleasant odor.
5 Keset means dry.
Application of whitening solutions
Vaginal whitening cream is used to whiten the skin around the genital area. For example, Wish
Whitening Cream is specifically used to whiten dark skin of the pudenda and labia (the product name
in Indonesian is often abbreviated to Selangit, literally meaning heavenly). Both Indonesian women
and men are obsessed with white skin. A ‘beautiful’ woman should have white skin. So the beauty and
cosmetic industry in Indonesia, as in most of Asia, produce a wide variety of whitening creams. What
is unusual is the recent emergence of whitening agents specifically for the external genitalia. It is not
clear whether this is related to any expectations about the exposure of the genitals during sex, or the
practice of oral sex.
Drinking traditional herbs to make the vagina drier and tighter
There are several kinds of jamu that are marketed to make the vagina drier, tighter or smaller. Vaginal
jamus for ingestion take the form of dried powder to be mixed with hot water, lime juice and honey.
These traditional jamus are known generically as Sari Rapet (literally the essence of tightness), Rapet
Wangi (tight and fragrant), Asrirapat (long-lasting tightness), and Jamu Empot-empot Ayam (literarly
tight as a chicken’s anus). There are also jamu to prevent vaginal discharge and other similar
conditions known as Siputih (literally ‘Miss’ White referring to white discharge). Jamu inserted into
the vagina is limited to a form of Tongkat Madura (Madura rod) or a variety of traditional mixtures
prepared by traditional healers for gurah vagina (see below).
Even though we do not fully understand why some women consume such products or if these products
really make the vagina drier and tighter, an indication into the success of sales of such products is the
sheer variety of these products produced under an array of different brand names. They are bought
through street vendors, traditional markets, specific jamu stalls, supermarkets, and in upper class
shopping malls. The magnitude of treatments and practices available and the variety of prices on offer,
indicate that women from different economic strata are using these commercial products.
Alternatively, women believe that the common drink of turmeric and tamarind juice (kunir asam) can
have an impact on vaginal health. There are different versions of the juice. In some cases it is mixed
with betel leaf and aims to improve blood circulation and eliminate bad odors and decrease vaginal
discharge after menstruation.
V-Spa (Vagina Spa) and Kendedes
V-spa and Kendedes treatments are used by women in vaginal grooming. Both practices are provided
by a variety of beauty salons and beauty spas, especially in metropolitan regions (Utomo, 2007).
Because these body and vagina treatments are quite elaborate, they are quite costly and only can be
afforded by middle and upper class women. The treatment takes one an a half to two hours, so women
have to allocate a special time slot to relax and enjoy the pampering they are offered.
V-spa treatment begins with a bath, then body exercises that aim to train muscles in the lower back
and hip area to contract, often referred to as Kegel exercise. A range of herbs and medicines are mixed
with honey to create a drink meant to improve stamina, strengthen the immune system, warm and calm
the body and also rid the vagina of excess discharge. Following this, the woman will be steamed with
aromatic scents aimed to make the body more fragrant. Then a total body massage is done, followed
by a bath in a spa where the water is mixed with herbs and aromatic oils. The next step in the
treatment is to compress the vaginal region with a large warm ‘tea bag’ filled with betel leaf extract,
sandalwood, small aromatic lemon, and areca nut. This part of the therapy is said to improve blood
circulation around the area being heated, heal infections around the vagina and improve vaginal
stamina. The treatment is concluded with vaginal fogging (pengasapan). Fogging is done by sitting on
a chair which has a hole in the seat above a burner that contains ratus (Javanese aromatic scent). It is
intended that the pleasant scent of ratus enters the vagina.
Kendedes is similar to the V-spa and also is done with similar stages. However, this treatment is not as
comprehensive, and the client is only massaged, treated to a body scrub, bathed in a variety of
different herbs before the vaginal fogging is done.
Obviously these ‘traditional’ practices are complex combinations of activities that are found in many
countries around the world, but the use of Javanese terms and symbols to create the illusion of
tradition is a means of appealing to the middle class or elite women for whom the practices are
promoted. The mixture of personal pampering and a promise of improved sexual performance make
this form of vaginal practice more complex and subject to a variety of gendered meanings.
Vaginal Cleansing (Gurah Vagina) Techniques
Gurah or flushing involves treating the inside of the vagina with fluids. This technique is done by
inserting liquids, herbal mixtures, ozone, and medicines through the vaginal aperture. In the practice of
gurah, specifically designed tools are used to remove excessive vaginal discharge.
The traditional gurah (flushing) technique is not alien since it has been used by dukun (traditional
healers) in curing conditions such as sinusitis. Recently the method of gurah has been applied to the
vagina, hence the term ‘gurah vagina’. There are several different techniques in the practice of gurah
vagina. One involves inserting secret herbal mixtures into the vagina then holding them inside for a
period of time related to the intended purpose. This cycle is repeated several times depending on the
intended purpose. For example, in solving excessive vaginal discharge problems arising due to an
infection the herbal mixture is inserted for 20-30 minutes and then removed along with the discharge.
The treatment is repeated once a week until the infection is cured. Whereas healers promising to
restore a woman’s virginity insert herbs into the vagina for approximately 20-30 minutes twice a week
for a duration of three weeks or six treatment sessions. Then the treatment is continued at home by the
woman for another one week.
The cost of such treatments varies between Rp.200,000 – 800,000 (US$ 22-87)6, depending on the
economic wellbeing of the client. Gurah vagina is said to reduce fluids in the vagina, therefore making
it more peret, tight, and dry. The practice of gurah vagina also “promises” to return a woman’s
In recent years, many ‘alternative’ medical practices of gurah vagina are advertised in printed media.
However, from what information those ads give, it is hard to understand which specific technique of
gurah vagina is being offered. Nevertheless as there are increasing advertisements for gurah vagina it
can be assumed that there is some demand for such services. From reviewing advertisements offering
gurah vagina, it can be concluded that there are more advertisements for gurah vagina by traditional
healers compared to those offered in salons and medical clinics. Different gurah techniques are
individually tailored by different salons and spas. Some provide what are purported to be ancient
Chinese treatments, while others their own innovations using traditional herbs. There are no gurah
vagina treatments that could be regarded as ‘standard operating procedures’.
Take an example of gurah vagina using ‘ancient’ Chinese technique. Women are charged Rp.600000
(US$65) per treatment. The treatment takes approximately 20 minutes. The procedures are as follows:
6 One US$ is equal to 9191 Indonesian Rupiah.
first the vagina is steamed, and then the area around the vagina is massaged (ditotok), followed by the
cleaning of the vagina. The last phase of the treatment involves inserting a capsule filled with ‘secret’
Chinese herbs into the vagina. The day after the treatment when the capsule would have dissolved, the
client is then asked to return to the salon. There the practitioner would examine the discharge to
determine problems or diseases suffered by the client. If further treatment and more Chinese or other
medicines are needed the client will incur another fee. Even though the practitioner at the salon is
based in Jakarta, she often travels to other cities such as Surabaya, Semarang, Pekanbaru, and Batam
to provide alternative beauty treatments including gurah vagina to an elite clientele.
Vaginal Operations
Vaginal beauty operations are conducted using either laser surgery or manual surgical operations.
Many gynecologists offer a variety of treatments to women able to afford their fees, but in Jakarta and
Yogyakarta special clinics were found to specialize in vaginal treatments and virginity restoration. In
the instance of vaginal laser surgery, practitioners promised to treat mismatched forms or sizes of the
labia minora and labia majora, along with unwanted pubic hair. Laser surgery is also used to tighten
the vulva and vaginal canal weakened by age and childbirth. This method is also used to repair a
damaged hymen.
Why Do Indonesian Women Care About Grooming Their Vaginas? A Gender Analysis
Among Indonesian women, ‘grooming’ the vagina is introduced when a young girl experience
menarche (Utomo and Hull 2006). Among Javanese women specifically, such practices are integrated
into a woman’s life cycle. Grooming and caring for the body including the vagina are part of Javanese
women’s philosophy of life (Ngudi Saliro) providing the foundation to always present well groomed
physical beauty to men. In regards to grooming the vagina, after the first menstruation, the next
development would be during pre-wedding beauty care treatments which would continue after
entering marriage, during the postpartum period through to when a woman starts her menopausal
There is a very strong belief amongst both men and women, although more so amongst men, that wet
vaginas with excess vagina fluids reduce the pleasure of sexual intercourse. According to the belief, a
vagina which is peret will be more pleasurable for the male. Young girls just after their first menses
are taught by either their mothers or elder female siblings to take care of their vaginas and bodies. At
this stage, grooming of the vagina is introduced even though not explained explicitly. Nevertheless,
young girls are introduced to a habit of drinking jamu kunir asam. At this stage of their lives young
women are also introduced to jamu galian putri (Girls jamu mixture) and jamu galian singset
(Slimming jamu mixture), intended to preserve a slender figure. Adolescent girls are also told to avoid
eating cucumber, water melon, pineapple, and Ambon bananas since these are believed to make their
vaginas overly damp or wet (becek). Sometimes young girls are also advised not to eat fish or anything
made from fish during menstruation as a way to avoid bad vaginal odors.
During the teenage years many young women experience excessive vaginal discharge (keputihan).
Therefore, many consume jamu to reduce the problem. Others choose to use wet tissues or vagina
solution products, and vaginal soaps which are readily available from stores and supermarkets. As they
approach marriage women are often advised by their bridal dressers or beauticians, close friends, and
elder female relatives to undergo a series of pre-wedding beauty and body treatments provided by
beauty salons and spas. Some involve the asmaragama massage (love massage) to increase sexual
stamina. Pre-wedding treatments are popular amongst elite and upper middle class couples and thus
salons and spas provide special pre-wedding treatments ranging in price from Rp. 2.000.000 (US$217).
At such pre-wedding preparations, women gradually absorb information on how to be a ‘good wife’. It
is then that a woman is told of the womanly duties and responsibilities owed her partner, including the
provision of sexual services that will satisfy him any time he ‘needs’ sex. This information frequently
relates to how women must be diligent in maintaining their physical beauty and appearance, including
their vaginas. If the vagina is peret it is said that movements and frictions between the penis and
vagina are optimal, therefore creating maximum sexual pleasure for the man.
There would be lot of drama on the first night of a couple’s marriage if it turned out that the bride was
not a virgin. This would apply if she had lost her virginity with an earlier partner or had experienced a
physical accident causing the hymen to break. There is a strong stigma attached to brides who are not
virgins, even though there are no problems if the groom is sexually experienced (Bennett 2005; Utomo
2003; Situmorang 2001). To anticipate this problem, well off brides can seek hymen restoration.
Operations to recreate a hymen costs Rp. 4.000.000 (US$435) or more depending on the type of clinic
as well as the doctor’s reputation. On the other hand poorer brides can seek less expensive treatments
offered by dukun.
Such messages of feminine sexual duty are products of the strong patriarchal environment in Indonesia.
The idea is that a wife should totally serve and attend to her husband, should maintain her physical
beauty and provide satisfying sexual services and favors so the husband is not tempted to keep a
mistress or look elsewhere for pleasure when conditions at home are not sufficiently satisfying. In fact,
women are often blamed by their friends and family members if a marriage does not work or if a
husband leaves suddenly leaves home. This is where gender bias and inequality occurs, where women
must serve their husbands and always try to maintain a harmonious relationship, whereas men are not
pressured to be responsible in a similar way (Utomo, 2004 and 2007). For this reason women are
willing to drink jamu and seek specific treatments to ensure their vaginas stay peret. The burden of
making relationships work and maintaining sexual attractiveness rests heavily on women.
After a woman has just given birth, husbands are often heard to complain that the vagina is loose. The
fact that the vagina is not as tight may not only linked to how many times a woman has given birth,
but also to the natural aging process that influences the flexibility and elasticity of the vagina. It is
during this phase that middle and upper class women seek vaginal treatments and operations to
improve both the cosmetic beauty and tightness of their vaginas. Some elite women from Jakarta,
Medan and other major cities also travel to Singapore to seek vaginal surgery (Personal
communication with a Singaporean based gynecologist, 2005).
Discussion and Conclusion
Commercial interests capitalize on the underlying patriarchal gender constructions to create a demand
for materials used in vaginal practices. There is no government control of institutions providing
services. Many are provided by uncertified dukun. Even when doctors, nurses and midwives offer
vaginal services, it is clear that they are not trained to follow approved procedures or apply only
materials that have been tested for purity and safety. Beauty salons, spas, and traditional market sellers
all have certificates to allow them to trade, but this does not provide any assurance of safety. Medical
clinics, doctors and nurses similarly are required to have official licenses from the Department of
Health to operate their businesses. Neither the certificates given to practitioners nor the licenses of the
businesses guarantee the safety or efficacy of the practices provided therein.
The same problem arises from the booming jamu industries. Products have to be registered with the
Department of Health before they can be marketed but, the registration number stamped on every
product does not mean that it has been clinically tested. Consumers seldom understand the health
implications of the system. They assume that a registered product must have the approval of the
Department of Health and that this would be based on rigorous clinical testing. Nothing could be
further from the truth.
Interestingly, the study revealed that some medical professional have begun to promote vaginal
practices as part of their services. One famous sexologist who had previously criticised vaginal
practices has recently brought out a line of vaginal solutions and whitening creams for the groin area
and has enlisted members of the midwives' association to promote his products. Focus group
discussions with midwives revealed that promotion of this type of product has been integrated into
their ante natal and post natal consultations. Similarly some medical doctors have begun to offer
ozonisasi of the vagina as an innovative part of their treatments.
The social gender construction passed on from generation to generation stresses that ‘good’ women
must marry and commit their lives to husband and children. It is an obligation for a woman to serve
her husband, including serving him sexually. As long as there are social norms fixing the attention of
women and men on the performance of the vagina and availability of ready made vagina products,
treatments and procedures are widespread, then women will be easy targets for commercial
preparations that may endanger their reproductive health. Gender constructions supporting these
practices are socialized by cultural norms and through the misapplication of religious norms. Many of
the popular Islamic teachers in Indonesia stress that women must serve their husbands’ dominant
sexual needs. Despite some recent questioning of these values by feminist religious texts, the current
orthodoxy of female servitude is promoted on morning religious programs on television and in Friday
sermons to the largely male congregations at mosques. It is here that the cunning of the business
world takes advantage of the idea of ‘dry’ sex to generate demand for products. Women are trapped by
expectations of sexual performance that are neither realistic nor fair. Without consideration of the side
effects of such practices there is no balance in this equation. Women simply become victims of male
expectations and socially defined entitlements.
Agoes, A. (2002) Use of Traditional Medicines in Women Sex Practice in Palembang and Lubuk Linggau -
South Sumatera In Second Research Workshop on Gender and Sexuality.Hotel Atlet, Jakarta, Indonesia.
Beksinska, M. E., Rees, H. V., Kleinschmidt, I. and McIntyre, J. (1999) The practice and prevalence of dry sex
among men and women in South Africa: a risk factor for sexually transmitted infections? Sexually
Transmitted Infections, 75, 178-180.
Bennett L. (2005). Women, Islam and modernity: Single women, sexuality and reproductive health in
contemporary Indonesia. Routledge Curzon, Taylor & Francis Group, London and New York.
Braun, V. (2005). In Search of (Better Sexual Pleasure: Female Genital ‘Cosmetic’ Surgery, Sexualities, 8(4):
Braun, V. (2004) A sheath for a sword? Culture, shaping bodies, shaping sex. In N. Gavey, A. Potts, A.
Wetherell (Eds), Sex and the Body, Palmerson North, New Zealand: Dunmore Press, 17-34.
Braun, V. and Kitzinger, C. (2001). The perfectable vagina: size matters. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 3(3),
Brown, J. E., Ayowa, O. B. and Brown, R. C. (1993) Dry and Tight: Sexual Practices and Potential AIDS risk
in Zaire Social Science and Medicine, 37, 989-994.
Brown, R. C., Brown, J. E. and Ayowa, O. B. (1992) Vaginal Inflammation in Africa [letter] New England
Journal of Medicine, 327, 572.
Buchanan-Aruwafu, H. R. and Maebiru, R. (2001) Youth, Identity and Desire Panel II : Mediating hidden
desires and pleasures in Auki Malaitia, Solomon Islands In 3rd conference of the International
Association for the Study of Sex, Culture and Society.Melbourne, Australia.
Cameron, D. W., Simonsen, J. N., D'Costa, L. J., Ronald, A. R., Maitha, G. M., Gakinya, M. N., Cheang, M.,
Ndinya-Achola, J. O., Piot, P., Brunham, R. C. and Plummer, F. A. (1989) Female to Male Transmission
of Human Immunodeficiency Virus Type 1: Risk Factors for Seroconversion in Men The Lancet, 334,
Civic, D. and Wilson, D. (1996) Dry Sex in Zimbabwe and Implication for Condom Use Social Science and
Medicine, 42, 91-98.
Dallabetta, G. A., Miotti, P. G., Chiphangwi, J. D., Liomba, G., Canner, J. K. and Saah, A. J. (1995) Traditional
vaginal agents: use and association with HIV infection in Malawian women AIDS, 9, 293-297.
Foxman, B., Aral, S. and Holmes, K. (1998) Interrelationships Among Douching Practices, Risky Sexual
Practices, and History of Self-Reported Sexually Transmitted Diseases in an Urban Population Sexually
Transmitted Diseases, 25, 90-99.
Halperin, D. T. (1999) Dry sex practices and HIV infection in the Dominican Republic and Haiti
Sexually Transmitted Infections, 75, 445-446.
Hosken, F. P. (1993) In The Hosken Report (4th ed.) Women's International Network News, Lexington,
Massachusetts, pp. 279-287.
Hudiono, E. S. Dry Sex Among Sex Workers and Low Income Women in Sub-District Krembangan Surabaya
Research School of Social Sciences, Australian National University.
Im-em, W. and Siriatmongkhon, K. (2002) Gender and Pleasure: Exploration of Sex Gadgets, Penile Implants
and Related Beliefs in Thailand In Gender and Sexuality Working Group.Atlet Century Park Hotel,
Jakarta, Indonesia.
Irwin, K., Betrand, J., Mibandumba, N., Mbuyi, K., Muremeri, C., Mukoka, M., Munkolenkole, K., Nzilambi,
N. B., Ryder, R., Peterson, H., Lee, N. C., Wingo, P., O'Reilly, K. and Rufo, K. (1991) Knowledge,
Attitudes and Beliefs about HIV infection and AIDS among Health Factory Workers and their Wives
Social Science and Medicine, 32, 917-930.
Irwin, K., Mibandumba, N. and Sequeira, D. (1993) More on Vaginal Inflammation in Africa [letter 2] New
England Journal of Medicine, 328, 888-889.
Joesoef, M., Sumampouw, H., Linnan, M., Schmid, S., Idajadi, A. and St Louis, M. (1996) Douching and
sexually transmitted diseases in pregnant women in Surabaya, Indonesia American Journal of Obstetrics
and Gynecology, 174, 115-119.
La Ruche, G., Messou, N., Ali-Napo, L., Noba, V., Faye-Kette, H., Combe, P., Bonard, D., Sylla-Koka, F.,
Dheha, D., Welffens-Ekra, C., Dosso, M. and Msellati, P. (1999) Vaginal Douching: Association with
Lower Genital Tract Infections in African Pregnant Women Sexually Transmitted Diseases, 26, 191-196.
Munguti, K., Grosskurth, H., Newell, J., Senkoro, K., Mosha, F., Todd, J., Mayaud, P., Gavyole, A., Quigley,
M. and Hayes, R. (1997) Patterns of Sexual Behaviour in a Rural Populatin in North-Western Tanzania
Social Science and Medicine, 44, 1553-1561.
Orubuloye, I. O., Caldwell, P. and C, C. J. (1995) A note on suspect practices during the AIDS epidemic:
vaginal drying and scarification in southwest Nigeria Health Transition Review, Volume 5 (suppl), 161-
Sandala, L., Lurie, P., Sunkutu, M. R., Chani, E. M., Hudes, E. S. and Hearst, N. (1995) 'Dry sex' and HIV
infection among women attending a sexually transmitted disease clinic in Lusaka, Zambia AIDS, 9, S61-
Situmorang, A. 2001. Adolescent reproductive health and premarital sex in Medan, Unpublished PhD
thesis. Demography Program, Division of Demography and Sociology, Research School of
Social Sciences, The Australian National University. Canberra.
Smith, J., McFadyen, L., Zuma, K. and Preston-White, E. (2002) Vaginal wetness: an underestimated problem
experienced by progesogen injectable contraceptive users in South Africa Social Science and Medicine,
55, 1511-1522.
The National Women’s Information Centre (2002) Douching: Frequently asked questions. U.S Department of
Health and Human Services, Office on Women’s Health. http://www.4woman.gov/faq/douching.htm
van de Wijgert, J. H. H. M., Mason, P. R., Gwanzura, L., Mbizvo, M. T., Chirenje, Z. M., Iliff, L., Shiboski, S.
and S, P. N. (2000) Intravaginal Practices, Vaginal Flora Disturbances, and Aquisition of Sexually
Transmitted Diseases in Zimbabwean Women Journal of Infectious Diseases, 181, 587-594.
Williams, A. O. (1993) More on Vaginal Inflammation in Africa [letter 1] New England Journal of Medicine,
328, 888.
Utomo, I.D. (2007) When white skin and thin lips become the benchmark of Indonesian beauty (Bila
kulit putih dan bibir tipis menjadi ukuran).Women's Feature, Journal Perempuan Online, Journal
of Women Foundation, in Bahasa, Jakarta, Friday, February 16.
Utomo, I.D. (2006) The booming industries of vagina treatments: commercialization of the myth on
tight sex (Maraknya bisnis perawatan organ intim perempuan: kommersialisasi mitos seks peret),
Women's Feature, Journal Perempuan Online, Journal of Women Foundation, in Bahasa,
Jakarta, Tuesday, 1 August. http://www.jurnalperempuan.com/yjp.jpo/?act=feature%7C-
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in Indonesia’, edited by Terence H. Hull. Jakarta and Singapore: Equinox Publishing (Asia) and Institute
of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 71-125. Equinox Publishing ISBN 979-3780-02-9, ISEAS ISBN 981-230-
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Jaya. ISBN 797-525-144-9, Pp.1-21.
Utomo, I.D. (2003) Can being single become a choice for young Indonesians/ Generational Changes,
Development Bulletin, Population Changes in Asia and the Pacific, No. 62, Pp. 97-103.
Utomo, I.D. and Hull, T. (2006) Vaginal Practices in Indonesia. Making the Connection: Sexuality and
Reproductive Health, News and Views on Sexuality: Education, Health and Rights , Sexuality
Information and Education Council of the United States, Vol. 4, Issues 3-Summer, online
Bulletin, http://www.siecus.org/inter/connection/conn0059.html#5

วันเสาร์ที่ ๒๑ มีนาคม พ.ศ. ๒๕๕๒

10 อันดับ น้ำหอมยอดฮิต

10 อันดับน้ำหอม ที่มีคนถามถึงมากที่สุดในเว็บได้แก่..
อันดับ 1. LANCOME Miracle Eau de Parfum Spray

มี 2 package คือแบบที่ขายในยุโรป เช่น อังกฤษ ฝรั่งเศส และ แบบที่ส่งขายในเอเชีย
ซึ่งราคาทั้งสองชนิด ผิงขายไม่เหมือนกันค่ะ แต่ทั้งสองนี้ขายถูกกว่าทุกที่ในผืนแผ่นดินเอเชียแน่นอนค่ะ

เป็นน้ำหอม น้ำหอมสุดคลาสสิคที่ดมแล้วไม่มีเบื่อ มีกลิ่นของฟลอรัล ฟรุตตี้ ใครที่ใช้กลิ่นนี้อาจได้

ขนาด 100 ml.
ราคาปกติ 3,400 บาท
ราคาพิเศษ 2,550 บาท

2,300.00 Baht
1,750.00 Baht

ดูสิคะ เห็นไหมว่า ขายกันอยู่ในราคาประมาณ เกือบๆ 2,000 บาทเลยทีเดียวค่ะ
ซึ่งราคาปกติที่บอกไว้ว่า 3,400 บาทนั้นเป้นราคาแหกตาชาวบ้านเขานะคะ

เพราะ ราคาตลาดจริงๆแบบไม่โก่งกันนั้น เขาขายกันราวๆ 2,500 บาท
หากราคา sale ก็จะอยู่ราวๆ 2,200 บาท

และราคาที่ผิงขาย ขายแค่ 1,850 บาท ขอกำไร 100 เดียวพอ

สำหรับราคา 50 ml นั้นขายแค่ 1,000 บาท (เกือบเท่าทุน!!)

ผิงขอท้า หาซื้อที่อื่นที่ถูกกว่าได้เลยค่ะ หาไม่ได้ค่อยมาซื้อกับผิงนะคะ

วันศุกร์ที่ ๒๐ มีนาคม พ.ศ. ๒๕๕๒

คุ้นๆกันไหม ?

ฉิ่งฉับทัวเมื่อเดือนที่แล้ว พี่โอ๋ กะน้องแป้งสุดที่รักก็ไปแจม เหอๆ ตัวจริงแรงว่าที่เห็นในเว็บแคมตั้งเยอะเลย

วันอังคารที่ ๑๗ มีนาคม พ.ศ. ๒๕๕๒

Irezumi รอยสัก และความงาม บนเรือนร่างของสาวสวย

Japanese Tattoos

Irezumi the Art of Japanese Tattoos

Horimatsu (Matti Sedholm)

Japanese tattoos are regaining their popularity again amongst the middle classes. Ironically young Japanese people are going for tattoo designs that can be completed in one sitting such as the traditional American style tattoos or tribal tattoos. Traditional irezumi is still done by specialist tattooists. Because Japanese tattoos are so detailed they are also very time intensive and expensive. A traditional 'body suit' (covering the arms, back, upper legs and chest can take up to five years of once-a-week visits to complete and cost more than US$30,000 to complete!

เริ่มเรื่องกันที่ การสัก (Tattoo) คือการเขียนการวาดระบายสีบนร่างกาย การสักของแต่ละวัฒนธรรมมีความหมายเฉพาะตัวต่างกันไป


เริ่ม ต้นจากที่กรีก การสักเป็นการทำสัญลักษณ์เฉพาะใบหน้าของทาส และ อาชญากร ต่อมาการสักเริ่มแพร่หลายในทวีปยุโรป ต่อมาประมาณ ค.ศ. 787 การสักบนใบหน้าถือเป็นการลบหลู่ต่อพระผู้เป็นเจ้า

ในประเทศไทย การสัก หรือ สักเลกนั้นเป็นการทำเครื่องหมายที่ข้อมือ เพื่อแสดงการขึ้นทะเบียนเป็นไพร่หลวงที่มีสังกัดกรมกอง แต่ถูกยกเลิกไปในรัชสมัยรัชกาลที่ 4 ส่วนที่หน้าผาก หรือการสักท้องแขนใช้กับผู้ต้องโทษจำคุก แต่ยกเลิกในปี พ.ศ. 2475 รวมทั้งการสักยันต์เป็นเหมือนเครื่องรางของขลังตามความเชื่อ

ในญี่ปุ่น การสักเรียกว่า Irezumi ซึ่ง มีความหมายว่าการเติมหมึก คาดว่าเริ่มปรากฏในประมาณศตวรรษที่ 3 ก่อนคริสตกาล ต่อมาในคริสต์ศตวรรษที่ 8 การสักจะประทับตาคนกลุ่มต่างๆ เพื่อแบ่งแยกเช่น เพชฌฆาต สัปเหร่อ อาชญากร จนกระทั่งเริ่มมีการสักแบบ Horibari ที่มักจะสักลวดลายต่างๆทั่วร่างกาย และเริ่มแพร่หลายในปี ค.ศ. 1750 โดยนิยมมากในหมู่ Eta ซึ่งเป็นกลุ่มคมฐานะชั้นต่ำที่สุด ลวดลายต่างๆมักเป็นจิตรกรรมที่มีชื่อเสียง ตลอดจนเทพเจ้า ตามความเชื่อทางศาสนา และนิทานพื้นบ้าน


* แฟนตาซี สไตล์ - ผสมหลายรูปแบบ
* ทริบอล สไตล์ - เป็นลวดลายเล็กๆ เช่นเถาวัลย์ ใบไม้
* ยุโรป สไตล์ - เป็นภาพเหมือนลงแสงเงา คล้ายกับภาพเหมือนบุคคล
* เจแปน สไตล์ - มีลวดลายที่บ่งบอกความเป็นตะวันออก เช่น ปลาคาร์พ มังกร
* เวิร์ด สไตล์ - มีตัวอักษรที่มีความหมายดี
* ไกเกอร์ สไตล์ - ลวดลายนามธรรม รวมถึงเฉพาะกลุ่มเช่นฮิบฮอบ
* พังค์ สไตล์ - ลายสักไม่เน้นสีสัน ส่วนใหญ่จะเป็นสีดำ
* ฮาร์ดคอร์ สไตล์ - ใกล้เคียงกับ พังค์ สไตล์แต่จะมีความเหมือนจริงมากกว่า
* อินดี้ สไตล์ - ไม่มีแนวทางชัดเจน ขึ้นอยู่กับรสนิยมส่วนตัว

วันเสาร์ที่ ๑๔ มีนาคม พ.ศ. ๒๕๕๒



ภาพบรรยากาศปาร์ตี้โฟม กับ ALIZE' ที่ Hard Rock Pattaya

ปาร์ตี้โฟม : สาวๆนุ่งสั้น นิยมลงไปเล่นน้ำที่มีฟองนุ่มๆฟูๆในอ่าง ผ้าบางๆ ใสๆเห็นชัดแจ๋ว

ปาร์ตี้เลสเบี้ยน จะต้องมีอ่างโฟม อยู่เป็นประจำ เพื่อสร้างบรรยากาศและอารมณ์

ปาร์ตี้เลสเบี้ยน ข่าวประชาสัมพันธ์

มีปาร์ตี้ชาวเลส มีตติ้งไปพัทยานะจ๊ะ 3-5 เมษายนนี้ ออกเดินทางวันศุกร์ ที่ 3 กลับเย็นวันอาทิตย์ที่ 5 ส่วนวันที่ 6 เป็นวันจักรีทุกคนจะได้พักผ่อนหลังเที่ยว กิจกรรมที่เราจะทำกันก็คือ ศุกร์เมา เสาร์นอน อาทิตย์ถอน จันทร์ลา เอ้ย...ไม่ใช่ 1.เมืองจำลอง 100/คน 2.พิพิธภัณฑ์ริบรี่ 280/คน 3.บ้านผีสิง 280/คน 4.ทิฟฟานีโชว์ 300/คน +เครื่องดื่มฟรี 5.สวนนงนุช 100/คน 6.ปาร์ตี้โฟม(สาวเยอะมาก..ขอบอก) 500/คน+ ฟรี 2 ดริ๊ง 7.หอสูงพัทยาปาร์ค 100/คน - เครื่องเล่น 3 อย่าง 150/คน - บุฟเฟ่อาหารค่ำบนหอสูงชั้น 52-54 300/คน - โดดบันจี้จั๊มพ์ 1000/คน+ประกาศนียบัตร(ราคานี้ไม่แน่ใจนะ) 8.จุดชมวิวบนเขา สทร.5 ฟรี กิจกรรมนี้ไม่ได้บังคับว่าทุกคนต้องทำ..จะเล่นไร หรือ ไม่เล่นอะไรก็ได้.....ส่วนกิจกรรมที่จะต้องแชร์ร่วมกันคือ..ค่าเดินทาง ค่าที่พัก และค่าอาหาร(ในกรณีที่กินร้านอื่น ๆ )ค่าเที่ยวบาร์ นอกนั้นก็เตรียมไปใช้จ่ายส่วนตัวใครจะกิน ใครจะช๊อป ก็แล้วแต่จร้า... ส่วนการเดินทางนั้น ถ้าไปเกิน 8 คน จะเหมาเป็นรถตู้ปรับอากาศอย่างดีไปนะจ๊ะ หรือถ้าใครมีรถส่วนตัวก็บอกกันได้จร้า จจะได้ไปกันแบบคาราวาน ^^ คนที่ไม่มีรถก็นั่งไปกับคนที่มีรถแล้วก็ช่วยเค้าแชร์ค่าน้ำมันด้วยหละ.... เค้าหาวิธีเที่ยว มันส์ ประหยัด และยุติธรรมกะทุกคนแล้วนะ..อิอิ แถมยังได้พบปะเพื่อนฝูงด้วย งานนี้ใคครจะเอาเพื่อน(เป็นเลส)หรือแฟน(เป็นเลส)ไปด้วยก็ได้นะ ^^ ตอบ โพสต์โดย MINI K ก็คือสรุปไปพัทยานะจ๊ะ 3-5 เมษายนนี้ ออกเดินทางวันศุกร์ ที่ 3 กลับเย็นวันอาทิตย์ที่ 5 ส่วนวันที่ 6 เป็นวันจักรีทุกคนจะได้พักผ่อนหลังเที่ยว กิจกรรมที่เราจะทำกันก็คือ ศุกร์เมา เสาร์นอน อาทิตย์ถอน จันทร์ลา เอ้ย...ไม่ใช่ 1.เมืองจำลอง 100/คน 2.พิพิธภัณฑ์ริบรี่ 280/คน 3.บ้านผีสิง 280/คน 4.ทิฟฟานีโชว์ 300/คน +เครื่องดื่มฟรี 5.สวนนงนุช 100/คน 6.ปาร์ตี้โฟม(สาวเยอะมาก..ขอบอก) 500/คน+ ฟรี 2 ดริ๊ง 7.หอสูงพัทยาปาร์ค 100/คน - เครื่องเล่น 3 อย่าง 150/คน - บุฟเฟ่อาหารค่ำบนหอสูงชั้น 52-54 300/คน - โดดบันจี้จั๊มพ์ 1000/คน+ประกาศนียบัตร(ราคานี้ไม่แน่ใจนะ) 8.จุดชมวิวบนเขา สทร.5 ฟรี กิจกรรมนี้ไม่ได้บังคับว่าทุกคนต้องทำ..จะเล่นไร หรือ ไม่เล่นอะไรก็ได้.....ส่วนกิจกรรมที่จะต้องแชร์ร่วมกันคือ..ค่าเดินทาง ค่าที่พัก และค่าอาหาร(ในกรณีที่กินร้านอื่น ๆ )ค่าเที่ยวบาร์ นอกนั้นก็เตรียมไปใช้จ่ายส่วนตัวใครจะกิน ใครจะช๊อป ก็แล้วแต่จร้า... ส่วนการเดินทางนั้น ถ้าไปเกิน 8 คน จะเหมาเป็นรถตู้ปรับอากาศอย่างดีไปนะจ๊ะ หรือถ้าใครมีรถส่วนตัวก็บอกกันได้จร้า จจะได้ไปกันแบบคาราวาน ^^ คนที่ไม่มีรถก็นั่งไปกับคนที่มีรถแล้วก็ช่วยเค้าแชร์ค่าน้ำมันด้วยหละ.... เค้าหาวิธีเที่ยว มันส์ ประหยัด และยุติธรรมกะทุกคนแล้วนะ..อิอิ แถมยังได้พบปะเพื่อนฝูงด้วย งานนี้ใคครจะเอาเพื่อน(เป็นเลส)หรือแฟน(เป็นเลส)ไปด้วยก็ได้นะ ^^ หมายเหตุ: เพื่อเพิ่มภาพหรือลิงก์ในข้อความของคุณ ฉบับ เฝ้าดูหัวข้อนี้ 12 มี.ค. 20:26 น. ออ...เกือบลืม ผับที่จะพาไปปาร์ตี้อ่ะเป็นผับเลสด้วยนะ..มีโชว์ และสาว ๆ สวยมากกก ขอบอก